Since 2007, we have been writing about the secretive RUC (RBRVS Update Committee), the private AMA committee that somehow has managed to get effective control over how Medicare pays physicians. The RUC has been accused of setting up incentives that strongly favor invasive, high technology procedures while disfavoring primary care and other "cognitive medicine." Despite the central role of (perverse) incentives in raising health care costs while limiting access and degrading quality, there was surprisingly little discussion about the pivotal role played by the RUC until the formation of the "Replace the RUC" movement (see post here).
Recently, the leaders of Replace the RUC scored a journalistic coup by putting the current list of RUC members publicly on-line. As we have discussed, previously the membership of this committee was kept very obscure, although the committee argued it was not exactly secret.
Some Google searching suggests one possible reason that the RUC was in no hurry to disclose its own membership. It appears that many of the RUC members have significant conflicts of interest with respect to their roles as de facto setters of the rates at which physicians are paid by the government.
The RUC Members and Their Financial Relationships
Below is the list of the current RUC membership (from this link), and relevant conflicts of interest obtained by Google searching. Note that for each member, I first give the name, affiliation relevant to the RUC, location, and first year of membership as provided by the link above. Then I list relevant financial relationships that appear to present conflicts of interest.
- Barbara Levy, MD
Chair, RVS Update Committee
Federal Way, WA 2000
Consultant/Advisory Boards: Conceptus; AMS; Covidien; Halt Medical; Gynesonics; Idoman Medical (hysteroscopic surgery and sterilization, endometrial ablation, electrosurgery, vaginal hysterectomy) per UptoDate
- Bibb Allen, Jr., MD
American College of Radiology (ACR)
Birmingham, AL 2006
- Michael D. Bishop, MD
American College of Emergency Physicians (ACEP)
Bloomington, IN 2003
- James Blankenship, MD
American College of Cardiology (ACC)
Danville, PA 2000
Lecture fees from Sanofi-Aventis per New England Journal of Medicine
- Robert Dale Blasier, MD
American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons (AAOS)
Little Rock, AK 2008
- Joel Bradley, MD
American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP)
Brentwood, TN 2008
Medical Director, Americhoice by UnitedHealthcare, per AAP conference brochure
- Ronald Burd, MD
American Psychiatric Association (APA)
Fargo, ND 2006
- William F. Gee, MD
American Urological Association (AUA)
Lexington, KY 2010
Member, Physician Advisory Board, Aetna per Aetna
- John O. Gage, MD
American College of Surgeons (ACS)
Pensacola, FL 1991
- David F. Hitzeman, DO
American Osteopathic Association (AOA)
Tulsa, OK 1996
- Peter A. Hollmann, MD
CPT Editorial Panel (AMA/CPT)
Providence, RI 2003
Medical Director, Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Rhode Island, per RI Medical Society
- Charles F. Koopmann, Jr., MD
American Academy of Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery (AAO-HNS)
Ann Arbor, MI 1996
- Robert Kossmann, MD
Renal Physicians Association (RPA)
Santa Fe, NM 2009
Member of Advanced Renal Technologies Advisory Board, Network 15 Medical Advisory Board, Baxter Home Dialysis Advisory Board, Fresenius Medical Advisory Board per Renal Physicians Association
- Walter Larimore, MD
American Academy of Family Physicians (AAFP)
Colorado Springs, CO 2009
- Brenda Lewis, DO
American Society of Anesthesiologists (ASA)
Cleveland, OH 2009
- J. Leonard Lichtenfeld, MD
American College of Physicians (ACP)
Atlanta, GA 1994
Member, Physician Advisory Board, Aetna per Aetna
- Scott Manaker, MD, PhD
American College of Chest Physicians (ACCP)
Philadelphia, PA 2010
Consultant to Pfizer and Johnson and Johnson. Owns stock in Neose Technologies, Pfizer, Johnson & Johnson, and Rohm and Haas per Chest
- Bill Moran, MD
Practice Expense Review Committee
Oklahoma City, OK 2000
- Guy Orangio, MD
American Society of Colon & Rectal Surgeons (ASCRS)
Atlanta, GA 2009
- Gregory Przybylski, MD
American Association of Neurological Surgeons (AANS)
Edison, NJ 2001
Stock Ownership: United Healthcare (300 shares); ... Scientific Advisory Board: United Health Group (B, Spine Advisory Board) per NASS meeting
- Marc Raphaelson, MD
American Academy of Neurology (AAN)
Leesburg, VA 2009
personal compensation for activities with Jazz Pharmaceuticals and Medtronics as a speakers bureau member or consultant per AAN
- Sandra Reed, MD
American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG)
Thomasville, GA 2009
GlaxoSmithKline Consulting, $1750 in 2009, $1500 in 2010 per ProPublica Dollars for Docs search through here
- Daniel Mark Siegel, MD
American Academy of Dermatology (AAD)
Brooklyn, NY 2003
Vivacare Dermatology Advisory Board, 2006 – present. Photomedex Scientific Advisory Board, 2006-present, Ad Hoc consultant to ClickDiagnostics, per Encite CV
DermFirst-Shareholder, Logical Image – Consultant, Vivacare - Consultant per MOHS Surgery
- Lloyd S. Smith, DPM
Health Care Professionals Advisory Committee
Bethesda, MD 2007
- Peter Smith, MD
Society of Thoracic Surgeons (STS)
Durham, NC 2006
Eli Lilly, Consulting, $1500 in 2009, $1990 in 2010 per Pro Publica Dollars for Docs search through here
Advisor or consultant to Bayer per Medscape
- Susan Spires, MD
College of American Pathologists (CAP)
Lexington, KY 2007
- Arthur Traugott, MD
American Medical Association (AMA)
Champaign, IL 2006
- James Waldorf, MD
American Society of Plastic Surgeons (ASPS)
Jacksonville, FL 2008
- George Williams, MD
American Academy of Ophthalmology (AAO)
Royal Oak, MI 2009
Advisory Team, RetroSense Therapeutics
Shareholder and consultant for ThromboGenics Ltd. and holds intellectual property on the use of plasmin per Review of Opthamology
Alcon Laboratories, consultant, lecturer; Allergan, consultant, lecturer; Macusight, consultant, equity owner; Neurotech, consultant; Nu-Vue Technologies, equity owner, patent/ royalties; OMIC- Ophthalmic Mutual Insurance Company, employee; Optimedica, consultant, equity owner; Thrombogenics, consultant, equity owner per AAO meeting
Pfizer, “Professional Advising,” $5534 in 2009 per Pro Publica Dollars for Docs search through here
Summary
There you have it. A substantial proportion, almost half, 14 of 29 members of the RUC have financial relationships with pharmaceutical companies, biotechnology companies, device companies, companies that directly provide health care, and health care insurance companies.
As we have noted in our previous discussions of the RUC, that committee has been accused of being the de facto controller of how the US government pays physicians. In that role, it has been accused of favoring procedural care rather than cognitive or primary care by increasing the relative financial incentives for the former over the latter. This may be one of the most important reasons for the expensive, high-technology, procedural-heavy style of care in the US, which has likely been a major driver for increasing costs, declining access and stagnant quality.
It seemed obvious that a committee dominated by a majority of physicians who perform procedures would tend to favor bigger financial incentives for procedures. But now it appears the committee also includes a substantial number of people who work part-time or have ownership interests in companies that also stand to benefit from increasing use of procedures. Procedures drive increased consumption of drugs, supplies and devices, and lead to larger revenue for hospitals and clinics. Thus these financial relationships could reasonably be suspected of even further distorting the committee's decision-making in favor of procedures.
I was surprised how many RUC members have financial ties to health care insurance companies. Such companies are not usually thought of as beneficiaries of high-technology, procedural care. However, if one conceives of their revenue as a percentage of health care costs, perhaps they are. Furthermore, one can only wonder if the links between the RUC and health care insurance companies have anything to do with how such companies have apparently unquestioningly adapted the RBRVS system controlled by the RUC?
The prevalence of conflicts of interest among RUC members highlight the need for a more accountable, transparent and honest system to manage how the government pays physicians, and a need for more transparency and accountability in the relationship among the government, health care insurance, and physicians.
As we have previously noted, there are still many unanswered questions about the RUC:
- How did the government come to fix the payments physicians receive? Government price-fixing has not been popular in the US, yet this has caused no outcry.
- Why is the process by which they are fixed allowed to be so opaque and unaccountable? Why are there no public hearings on the updates, and why is there no input from practicing physicians or organizations other than those related to the RUC?
- How did the RUC become de facto in charge of this process?
- Why does the AMA [keep the membership of the RUC so opaque, and] give no input into the RUC process to its general membership?
- Why is the RUC membership so dominated by procedural specialists? Why were primary care physicians, who made up at least a sizable minority of physicians when the update process was started, not represented according to their numbers?
- Why has there been so little discussion of the RUC and its responsibility for an extremely expensive health care system dominated by high-technology, expensive, risky and invasive procedures?
Stay tuned, maybe these will be answered in our life-times....
Tampilkan postingan dengan label regulatory capture. Tampilkan semua postingan
Tampilkan postingan dengan label regulatory capture. Tampilkan semua postingan
FDA Decides Regulating Implantable Defibrillator Medical Devices a "Political Hot Potato"; Demurs
Well, not exactly, but they have decided regulation of another medical device is a political hot potato, and demurred on enforcing regulation:
Health IT.
Health IT are medical devices.
FDA's Chair of the Center for Device and Radiological Health, Jeffrey Shuren, MD JD, stated this explicitly on Feb. 25, 2010 (see testimony to the HHS Health Information Technology HIT Policy Committee at this PDF) that:
Likely translation: FDA regulation of health IT will never happen.
One implication is that health IT quality, safety, efficacy, privacy, security, and other issues about these systems will remain subject to HHS and industry caprice.
While we're at it, let's deregulate knee implants too...
-- SS
Addendum April 19, 2011:
Roy Poses observes that:
-- SS
Health IT.
Health IT are medical devices.
FDA's Chair of the Center for Device and Radiological Health, Jeffrey Shuren, MD JD, stated this explicitly on Feb. 25, 2010 (see testimony to the HHS Health Information Technology HIT Policy Committee at this PDF) that:
... Under the Federal, Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, [that regulates all drug, medical devices, etc. in the United States - ed.] HIT software is a medical device. Currently, the FDA mandates that manufacturers of other types of software devices comply with the laws and regulations that apply to more traditional medical device firms. These products include devices that contain one or more software components, parts, or accessories (such as electrocardiographic (ECG) systems used to monitor patient activity), as well as devices that are composed solely of software (such as laboratory information management systems).
That leaves no doubt that these are medical devices. However, he also stated:
To date, FDA has largely refrained from enforcing our regulatory requirements with respect to HIT devices.
In other words, this medical device receives special accommodation over all others,such as heart stents, defibrillators, spine and knee implants, etc., all of which have been in the news in recent years for major defects and malfunctions, up to and including causing patient deaths. The extent would have likely been far, far worse had these gadgets been unregulated.
One should ask: why the special accommodation for health IT medical devices? What are the underlying politics, and who is behind them? Especially when FDA is aware of potential risks that may only be the "tip of the iceberg?"
The selective reluctance to enforce the FD&C Act persists to this day. See for example this link regarding his statements just a few days ago here in Philadelphia: Will FDA Regulate EHR's? :
One should ask: why the special accommodation for health IT medical devices? What are the underlying politics, and who is behind them? Especially when FDA is aware of potential risks that may only be the "tip of the iceberg?"
The selective reluctance to enforce the FD&C Act persists to this day. See for example this link regarding his statements just a few days ago here in Philadelphia: Will FDA Regulate EHR's? :
Speaking at the first annual PharmEHR Summit in Philadelphia on April 7, Jeffrey Shuren, M.D., J.D., director of the Center for Devices and Radiological Health at the FDA, said his agency could change its traditional hands-off approach to EHRs, but he acknowledged that the potential of FDA regulation raises serious clinical issues [the only clinical issues I can think of are in holding vendors accountable for patient injury - ed.] and is a “political hot potato.” “As of right now we’re not regulating EHRs, and it may turn out that we won’t,” he said.
Likely translation: FDA regulation of health IT will never happen.
One implication is that health IT quality, safety, efficacy, privacy, security, and other issues about these systems will remain subject to HHS and industry caprice.
While we're at it, let's deregulate knee implants too...
-- SS
Addendum April 19, 2011:
Roy Poses observes that:
Here is a great example of regulatory capture. The health care IT industry has amassed such political clout that it now has impunity to regulation. Once again, combined economic and political power trumps patients' and the public's health and safety. We will not be able to really reform health care until we can provide for honest, independent health care regulation to uphold patients' and the public's health.
-- SS
"Toxic and Dangerous?" - The Watchdog vs Medtronic's Man at the VA
An odd story that appeared earlier this month linked several people we have discussed on Health Care Renewal.
On one hand, we posted about how Dr David Polly, a spine surgeon at the University of Minnesota, testified before the US Congress in support of research on treatments of bone injuries afflicting US soldiers. He did not then reveal that he had been paid more than one million dollars for consulting by Medtronic, the manufacturer of a bone growth product used to treat such injuries, also the source of payments of his expenses for the trip to Washington. At the time, we suggested this case was a reminder to be skeptical about academics who are really stealth health policy advocates for industry.
On the other hand, in a post about renewed payments by makers of artificial joints to orthopedic surgeons after the US government advocated a series of deferred prosecution agreements as a cure for such apparent conflicts of interest, we quoted Dr Charles Rosen, "Nothing will change until someone goes to jail. It’s a big game."
The link between them appeared in two related articles. First, the Minneapolis Star-Tribune reported on the appointment of another Medtronic consultant to a top leadership post in the US Department of Veterans Affairs:
A post on Pharmalot explains what Dr Ondra's first priority was once he got his government job:
The Pharmalot post concluded with this opinion:
This convoluted story suggests the urgent need for full disclosure of all relationships between physicians and others who make decisions and wield influence in health care on one hand, and health care organizations on the other hand. If physicians want their health policy efforts to be met with anything other than guffaws and cynical eye rolls, they need to seriously consider swearing off the sorts of cushy corporate relationships that Dr Ondra and Dr Polly embraced.
On one hand, we posted about how Dr David Polly, a spine surgeon at the University of Minnesota, testified before the US Congress in support of research on treatments of bone injuries afflicting US soldiers. He did not then reveal that he had been paid more than one million dollars for consulting by Medtronic, the manufacturer of a bone growth product used to treat such injuries, also the source of payments of his expenses for the trip to Washington. At the time, we suggested this case was a reminder to be skeptical about academics who are really stealth health policy advocates for industry.
On the other hand, in a post about renewed payments by makers of artificial joints to orthopedic surgeons after the US government advocated a series of deferred prosecution agreements as a cure for such apparent conflicts of interest, we quoted Dr Charles Rosen, "Nothing will change until someone goes to jail. It’s a big game."
The link between them appeared in two related articles. First, the Minneapolis Star-Tribune reported on the appointment of another Medtronic consultant to a top leadership post in the US Department of Veterans Affairs:
In a Sept. 28 letter to Veterans Affairs Secretary Eric Shinseki, Sen. Charles Grassley asks whether Dr. Stephen Ondra's 'policy advice and decisions at the VA are vulnerable to potential conflicts of financial interest' given his prior relationship with the Fridley-based medical technology giant.It appears that Medtronic lobbied hard for the appointment of its former consultant:
Ondra and Medtronic mutually severed their financial relationship in July 2008. But just prior to that, Medtronic paid him $3.6 million in royalties related to spine-surgery instruments, according to financial disclosure forms he submitted to the VA.
While noting that Ondra is not a Medtronic employee, Grassley characterized the surgeon's relationship with the company as 'unambiguous and substantial.' Further, Grassley notes that Ondra 'was able to penetrate the political establishment at its highest level to obtain a senior position at the VA' because of his previous ties to the company.The details are:
Ondra's candidacy for his current post was supported by Medtronic Chief Executive William Hawkins III, who wrote a letter of recommendation to Secretary of Defense Robert Gates on his behalf. This was at the suggestion of Dr. S. Ward Casscells III, who was then assistant secretary of defense for health affairs, according to a series of internal e-mails obtained by the Star Tribune.(It is not clear whether the last sentence above is meant to be an ironic pun about regulatory capture.)
'I have known Dr. Casscells for many years and was comfortable in approaching him on this topic,' Hawkins wrote in a Jan. 16, 2009 e-mail to the then-head of Medtronic's $3.5 billion spine device business, Steve La Neve. (La Neve left that position earlier this year in a corporate reorganization.)
La Neve replied a day later that Ondra wanted to meet with him or with Hawkins before a reference letter was sent, 'so that it can capture his work on appropriate industry-physician relationships and transparency.'
A post on Pharmalot explains what Dr Ondra's first priority was once he got his government job:
Within a few days, however, Ondra objected to the proposed nomination of another spine surgeon, Charles Rosen, as US Surgeon General. Why? As founder of the Association of Medical Ethics, Rosen publicly questioned consulting ties between doctors and device makers and, for his trouble, allegedly suffered retaliation by members of the American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons (see this). In a January 21, 2009 email exchange with Davd Polly, a University of Minnesota professor who was another Medtronic consultant, Ondra acknowledged never having heard of Rosen, but reacts viscerally to a recent story in The Orange County Register that details Rosen’s self-appointed role as a watchdog.Got that? Medtronic pays Dr Ondra millions. Medtronic pushes for Dr Ondra's appointment to a top VA leadership position. Once in that position, Dr Ondra confers with another million dollar Medtronic consultant, and then works to block the appointment as Surgeon General of a known foe of the cozy web of conflicts of interest that afflicts medicine. Thus do conflicts of interest work to promote the capture of government by special interests.
'Since this individual is toxic and dangerous I would leave nothing to chance,' he responds to Polly, who had forwarded the newspaper story to Ondra. Polly, by the way, is a nationally known spine surgeon who came under congressional scrutiny for his work several years ago for the device maker, something that Rosen had criticized (look here). 'This moment in history is too important to our country to let such a disreputable and dangerous person continue his self-promotion crusade,' Ondra continues. 'I would encourage you and any other physicians and citizens to weigh in on this to HHS and public health.'
The Pharmalot post concluded with this opinion:
'It’s obvious that Dr. Ondra benefited from his relationship with Medtronic. And since he worked to kill off the nomination of Chuck Rosen, Medtronic’s main critic, I can see how Medtronic benefited from Dr. Ondra,' says Paul Thacker, a former Grassley staff investigator and US Army specialist. 'What I don’t understand is how I and other veterans have benefited from all this back-door dealing. What’s in it for us?'That is a good question. It appears that nothing was in it for veterans, or the US public. But everything was in it for Medtronic and the doctors it pays so well. I would submit that it is the readiness of big health care corporations to create conflicts of interest that seduce physicians to put their loyalties to their corporate sponsors ahead of the public interest that is toxic and dangerous.
This convoluted story suggests the urgent need for full disclosure of all relationships between physicians and others who make decisions and wield influence in health care on one hand, and health care organizations on the other hand. If physicians want their health policy efforts to be met with anything other than guffaws and cynical eye rolls, they need to seriously consider swearing off the sorts of cushy corporate relationships that Dr Ondra and Dr Polly embraced.
RUC Off - the New England Journal Once Again Fails to Mention the Unmentionable
Last week, the influential New England Journal of Medicine published an article by Bruce Vladek entitled "Fixing Medicare's Physician Payment System."(1) Although only identified as working for Nexara, a health consulting business, Mr Vladek was a former administrator of what was then called the Health Care Financing Administration (HCFA) of the US Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS), the part of the department that then ran the US Medicare program. Vladek thus can reasonably be viewed as an expert on Medicare.
Vladek identified two main problems with the current way physicians are paid by Medicare. First,
Second,
Vladek expanded on the second point as follows
This is about all that Vladek wrote about how the imbalance between how Medicare pays for primary care and other "cognitive services," and for procedures came about. Vladek, and many others have argued that this imbalance has lead to strong financial incentives that have been slowly destroying primary care, and strong incentives that have lead to the use of too many procedures, both strong drivers of rising costs in the most expensive health care system in the world.
Vladek noted vaguely that "through various reasons," the incentives were imbalanced by "the process of annual updating of relative value units."
However, as we have discussed in several blog posts, a lot more is known about how this process got "totally off track."
In fact, in 2007, an article by Bodenheimer et al in the Annals of Internal Medicine explained the problems in considerably more detail.(2) As we wrote then, Its main points included
To expand on the penultimate point, the current page on the AMA web-site that describes the RUC only lists its members in terms of their specialties and organizational affiliation. Their names do not appear. A response to a previous post by me on the subject by the then Chair and Chair-Elect of the RUC suggested that the RUC membership is not quite secret. They stated that "a list of the individual members of the RUC is published in the AMA publication, Medicare RBRVS 2009: The Physicians Guide." This publication is available from the AMA here for a mere $71.95. However, the book is not on the web, or in my local or university library, and I have no other way to easily access it. Thus, the RUC membership as at best relatively opaque.
To expand on the ultimate point, as Goodson(3) noted, RUC "meetings are closed to outside observers except by invitation of the chair." Furthermore, he stated, "proceedings are proprietary and therefore not publicly available for review."
The fog surrounding the operations of the RUC seems to have affected many who write about. We have posted (here, here, and here) about how previous publications about problems with incentives provided to physicians seemed to have avoided even mentioning the RUC. In 2010, post the US recent attempt at health care reform, the RUC seems to remain the great unmentionable. Even the leading US medical journal seems reluctant to even print its name.
Thus, as we noted before, however, the mysteries about it remain:
References
1. Vladek B. Fixing Medicare's physician payment system. N Engl J Med 2010; 362:1955-1957. (Link here.)
2. Bodenheimer T, Berenson RA, Rudolf P. The primary care-specialty income gap: why it matters. Ann Intern Med 2007; 146: 301-306. (Link here.)
3. Goodson JD. Unintended consequences of Resource-Based Relative Value Scale reimbursement. JAMA 2007; 298(19):2308-2310. (Link here.)
Vladek identified two main problems with the current way physicians are paid by Medicare. First,
Medicare is captive to an arbitrary, if elegantly conceived, formula for total payments to physicians — the sustainable growth rate (SGR). In the alternate reality of the Congressional budget process, the SGR will reduce Medicare's physician payments, which already trail those from private insurers, as far into the future as the eye can see.
Second,
there is widespread consensus that the relative fees in the current system are a significant cause of the growing imbalance in supply and utilization between primary care and specialty services in the U.S. health care system. That imbalance, in turn, is widely perceived as a major cause of both excessive costs and inadequate quality of care. This is not just a Medicare problem: the Medicare Resource-Based Relative Value Scale is used by most private insurers to set relative prices for physicians.
Vladek expanded on the second point as follows
the basic mechanics of the Medicare Physician Fee Schedule, which was supposed to change physician payment to increase rewards for primary care services at the expense of procedural and interventional services, appears to have gone totally off track. For various reasons, the fee schedule, which originally did increase the prices of evaluation and management services relative to those of surgery or invasive procedures, turned in the other direction through the process of annual updating of relative value units. Surgeons, radiologists, and some medical specialists are now paid two to three times as much per hour as providers of cognitive services, which is about where we began 20 years ago; this was the situation that the fee schedule was supposed to fix.
The question of the relative virtues of primary versus specialty care can be debated ad nauseam, but in other wealthy countries that serve their populations at least as well as we do, the ratio of primary care physicians to specialists is much higher than in the United States, and the gap in compensation is much smaller or the poles even reversed. Young physicians, burdened by increasing educational debts, may well choose a career path on the basis of a major difference in compensation, especially when the better-compensated positions require less ongoing responsibility for patients and offer better working hours.
This is about all that Vladek wrote about how the imbalance between how Medicare pays for primary care and other "cognitive services," and for procedures came about. Vladek, and many others have argued that this imbalance has lead to strong financial incentives that have been slowly destroying primary care, and strong incentives that have lead to the use of too many procedures, both strong drivers of rising costs in the most expensive health care system in the world.
Vladek noted vaguely that "through various reasons," the incentives were imbalanced by "the process of annual updating of relative value units."
However, as we have discussed in several blog posts, a lot more is known about how this process got "totally off track."
In fact, in 2007, an article by Bodenheimer et al in the Annals of Internal Medicine explained the problems in considerably more detail.(2) As we wrote then, Its main points included
- Proceduralists are often able to learn how to do their procedures more quickly, and thus increase the volume of procedures done, while office and hospital visits can only be sped up so much.
- The process used to update the RBRVS system is biased towards procedures for three main reasons: 1. "specialty society influence in proposing RVU [relative value unit] increases," 2. the specialist-heavy RUC [Relative Value Scale Update Committee] membership," and 3. "the desire of RUC specialists to avoid increases in evaluation and management [that is, cognitive, or non-procedural] RVUs."
- Medicare now uses a formula to limit increases in overall spending. The use of this formula leads to across the board cuts in all reimbursements. Since cognitive services reimbursements were never high to begin with, and have rarely been individually increased, these cuts tend to have disproportionate decreases.
- Private insurers and managed care organizations tend to follow Medicare's lead in their reimbursement procedures, but tend to tilt the playing field even more in favor of procedures versus cognitive services. Several studies showed that such payers paid more for procedures than did Medicare, but about the same for office and hospital visits.
To expand on the penultimate point, the current page on the AMA web-site that describes the RUC only lists its members in terms of their specialties and organizational affiliation. Their names do not appear. A response to a previous post by me on the subject by the then Chair and Chair-Elect of the RUC suggested that the RUC membership is not quite secret. They stated that "a list of the individual members of the RUC is published in the AMA publication, Medicare RBRVS 2009: The Physicians Guide." This publication is available from the AMA here for a mere $71.95. However, the book is not on the web, or in my local or university library, and I have no other way to easily access it. Thus, the RUC membership as at best relatively opaque.
To expand on the ultimate point, as Goodson(3) noted, RUC "meetings are closed to outside observers except by invitation of the chair." Furthermore, he stated, "proceedings are proprietary and therefore not publicly available for review."
The fog surrounding the operations of the RUC seems to have affected many who write about. We have posted (here, here, and here) about how previous publications about problems with incentives provided to physicians seemed to have avoided even mentioning the RUC. In 2010, post the US recent attempt at health care reform, the RUC seems to remain the great unmentionable. Even the leading US medical journal seems reluctant to even print its name.
Thus, as we noted before, however, the mysteries about it remain:
- How did the government come to fix the payments physicians receive? Government price-fixing has not been popular in the US, yet this has caused no outcry.
- Why is the process by which they are fixed allowed to be so opaque and unaccountable? Why are there no public hearings on the updates, and why is there no input from practicing physicians or organizations other than those related to the RUC?
- How did the RUC become de facto in charge of this process?
- Why does the AMA keep the membership on the RUC so opaque, and give no input into the RUC process to its general membership?
- Why is the RUC membership so dominated by procedural specialists? Why were primary care physicians, who made up at least a sizable minority of physicians when the update process was started, not represented according to their numbers?
- Why has there been so little discussion of the RUC and its responsibility for an extremely expensive health care system dominated by high-technology, expensive, risky and invasive procedures?
References
1. Vladek B. Fixing Medicare's physician payment system. N Engl J Med 2010; 362:1955-1957. (Link here.)
2. Bodenheimer T, Berenson RA, Rudolf P. The primary care-specialty income gap: why it matters. Ann Intern Med 2007; 146: 301-306. (Link here.)
3. Goodson JD. Unintended consequences of Resource-Based Relative Value Scale reimbursement. JAMA 2007; 298(19):2308-2310. (Link here.)
Corporate Proxies Suggest CEOs Rewarded for Influencing Health Care Reform
We have frequently discussed the often outsized, if not outrageous compensation awarded to top leaders of health care organizations. Such compensation may seem disproportionate to the leaders' real-world achievements, and may contrast with organizational actions that seem inept, mission-hostile, or unethical.
In perusing this year's crop of proxy statements from some of the biggest US health care corporations, I noted that some provide some narrative, qualitative justification for their top leaders pay. I was struck by three similar statements:
Johnson and Johnson
We recently discussed the contrast between Johnson and Johnson CEO William Weldon's gargantuan compensation and his detached response to the findings of an inspection of one of his company's factories that lead to its shutdown and the recall of its products. According to the company's 2010 proxy statement, Mr Weldon's total compensation approved in 2010 was $19,847,026. The proxy statement included this overview of his performance:
Under "strategic results" was this statement:
Pfizer
We recently discussed the contrast between Pfizer Inc CEO Jeffrey Kindler's sizable compensation and the number and size of lawsuits alleging unethical conduct that the organization has settled, and its criminal conviction as a "racketeering influenced and corrupt organization" (RICO). According to the company's 2010 proxy statement, Mr Kindler's total compensation in 2009 was $14,898,038. The proxy statement included an Executive Compensation Discussion and Analysis. Its summary of Mr Kindler's performance was:
It also specifically addressed Mr Kindler's "industry leadership":
UnitedHealth Group
We recently discussed the contrast between UnitedHealth Group CEO Stephen J Helmsley's large total compensation and the profit he recently made from the sale of stock options and various questions raised about his company's ethical performance. According to the company's 2010 proxy statement, his 2009 total compensation was $8,901,916. The company's 2010 proxy statement stated his compensation was based upon a variety of factors, including:
Summary
We have noted how health care organization may be gripped by "compensation madness," caused by "insiders hijacking established organizations for their personal benefit." One could view the statements above as just one form of post-hoc justification for compensation madness. It is possible that timid, if not crony boards are simply getting more inventive in their rationalizing CEOs' imperial pay scales. On the other hand, those justifying the compensation of three extremely well-compensated health care corporate CEOs may really believe what they wrote about their CEOs roles in health care reform.
We have posted little about the US health care reform effort because so much of it seemed irrelevant to the concerns mentioned on Health Care Renewal. Health care reform legislation did little to address problems with health care leadership, governance and ethics, and how they challenge health care professionals' values and lead to higher costs, declining access, poor health care quality and disgruntled health care professionals (see this summary). Maybe one reason this was so was that the top leaders of health care organizations did a good job pushing their personal and organizational priorities into the reform legislation, meanwhile discouraging any provisions that might threaten the way they were leading their organizations, and how much they were making while doing so.
There a many reasons for the popular dissatisfaction with the recently enacted US health care reform legislation. The influence of the leadership of top health care corporations in promoting their, rather than the populace's goals, ought to be a topic of further inquiry. Meanwhile, it may be that the "superclass" has struck again.
In perusing this year's crop of proxy statements from some of the biggest US health care corporations, I noted that some provide some narrative, qualitative justification for their top leaders pay. I was struck by three similar statements:
Johnson and Johnson
We recently discussed the contrast between Johnson and Johnson CEO William Weldon's gargantuan compensation and his detached response to the findings of an inspection of one of his company's factories that lead to its shutdown and the recall of its products. According to the company's 2010 proxy statement, Mr Weldon's total compensation approved in 2010 was $19,847,026. The proxy statement included this overview of his performance:
The Board believes that Mr. Weldon generally exceeded expectations despite substantial economic, political, regulatory and competitive challenges as well as significant patent expirations. As referenced in the table above, the Company delivered solid financial results and positioned itself for future growth.
Under "strategic results" was this statement:
Mr. Weldon played an effective role in helping shape health care policy around the world and has been very involved with efforts on U.S. Health Care Reform. Mr. Weldon’s personal involvement with key leaders and organizations has ensured the interests of the Company are well represented.
Pfizer
We recently discussed the contrast between Pfizer Inc CEO Jeffrey Kindler's sizable compensation and the number and size of lawsuits alleging unethical conduct that the organization has settled, and its criminal conviction as a "racketeering influenced and corrupt organization" (RICO). According to the company's 2010 proxy statement, Mr Kindler's total compensation in 2009 was $14,898,038. The proxy statement included an Executive Compensation Discussion and Analysis. Its summary of Mr Kindler's performance was:
The committee believes that Mr Kindler's leadership was a significant factor in the continued progress made by Pfizer in 2009 in strengthening the foundation for future growth and long-term success.
It also specifically addressed Mr Kindler's "industry leadership":
During 2009, Mr Kindler was actively involved, through both Pfizer and external organizations, in developing and advancing US and global public policies that serve the overall interest of our Company and our shareholders, as well as doctors and patients. These efforts included constructive participation in the US legislative process to advance Pfizer's goals of achieving a more rational operating environment....
UnitedHealth Group
We recently discussed the contrast between UnitedHealth Group CEO Stephen J Helmsley's large total compensation and the profit he recently made from the sale of stock options and various questions raised about his company's ethical performance. According to the company's 2010 proxy statement, his 2009 total compensation was $8,901,916. The company's 2010 proxy statement stated his compensation was based upon a variety of factors, including:
Positive participation and leadership of the Company in the health care reform and modernization debate
Summary
We have noted how health care organization may be gripped by "compensation madness," caused by "insiders hijacking established organizations for their personal benefit." One could view the statements above as just one form of post-hoc justification for compensation madness. It is possible that timid, if not crony boards are simply getting more inventive in their rationalizing CEOs' imperial pay scales. On the other hand, those justifying the compensation of three extremely well-compensated health care corporate CEOs may really believe what they wrote about their CEOs roles in health care reform.
We have posted little about the US health care reform effort because so much of it seemed irrelevant to the concerns mentioned on Health Care Renewal. Health care reform legislation did little to address problems with health care leadership, governance and ethics, and how they challenge health care professionals' values and lead to higher costs, declining access, poor health care quality and disgruntled health care professionals (see this summary). Maybe one reason this was so was that the top leaders of health care organizations did a good job pushing their personal and organizational priorities into the reform legislation, meanwhile discouraging any provisions that might threaten the way they were leading their organizations, and how much they were making while doing so.
There a many reasons for the popular dissatisfaction with the recently enacted US health care reform legislation. The influence of the leadership of top health care corporations in promoting their, rather than the populace's goals, ought to be a topic of further inquiry. Meanwhile, it may be that the "superclass" has struck again.
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